What Does “Head” (Kephalē) Mean in Paul’s Letters? Part 3: Ancient Greek Literature  

Preston Sprinkle

Introduction 

My FIRST POST introduced the topic, and my SECOND looked at the non-literal use of kephalē in the Septuagint. We now turn to examine how kephalē (“head”) is used in extra biblical Greek writings. (I will look at the use of kephalē in post-biblical Christian literature, including the early Church Fathers, in the next post.) I primarily want to see how ancient writers used the term kephalē when they weren’t referring to a literal head. Although, as we’ll see, their understanding of the literal head’s relation to the body is informative as well, since the head/body metaphor could very well be related to how the ancients understood the head’s literal relationship to the body.

Since we’re going to look at a lot of texts, I’ll keep my commentary rather brief on each one. For organizational purposes, I’m going to group each set of texts under the different meanings I think best convey the authors’ usage. Again, the three general meanings that are common for kephalē are: 

  1.  “Source, beginning, origin” 
  2. “Authority over, ruler” 
  3. “Prominent, preeminent, foremost” 

I’ll begin with references where kephalē most probably means “source.” 

Kephalē as “Source” 

Herodotus 4.91 (5th century BC) uses kephalē to refer to the end points of a river: 

From the sources (kephalai) of the river Tearus flows the best and fairest of all river waters.1Cited in Payne, Man and Woman, 124; cf. The Greek Anthology (date?) “The sources [kephalai] of the river Tearus supply the best water” (Epigrams 703 9:388-89 [LCL]. Perriman pushes back on this reading: “It does not necessarily mean that kephalai denotes ‘source’; it is at least as likely that the word denotes only the highest or furthest point of the river, the ‘head waters’” (“The Head of a Woman,” 613). He goes on: “Even more telling…is the fact that kephalē may also be used for the mouth of a river (Callim. Aetia, P. Oxy., XVII, 2080, 48), which is consistent with the idea that the word denotes that which is prominent or extreme, but sits ill with the notion of ‘source’” (Ibid., 613-14).

Galen (AD 2nd century) also uses kephalē to refer to the source of a river: 

Some rivers grow larger, as we should expect, when tributaries flow into them, while some decrease in size as channels are separated off. No river that comes from a single spring is smaller at its head (ten kephalēn) than it is thereafter (On the Doctrines of Hippocrates and Plato 6.3.21.4).2Cited in Payne, in a forthcoming study on kephalē, which I’ll refer to as “Forthcoming” (“Forthcoming,” 13). I thank Philip Payne for sending me a pre-published copy of his important study.

[Whirlpools in a river] arise when they are warmed by the sun or its head (ten kephalēn) (De locis affectis 3.12).3Cited in Payne, “Forthcoming,” 13.

The first-century Jewish work Life of Adam and Eve uses kephalē in a way that seems to mean source or origin: 

For covetousness is the head (kephalē) of every kind of sin (19:3).

Some scholars dispute this meaning, but I do think “source” (or possibly “beginning”) is probably the best rendering of kephalē here.4Fitzmyer (“1 Corinthians 11:3”) agrees that this is one of the few cases where kephalē means “source” (pg. 54). MS C has “root and beginning” instead of “head” according to Perriman (“The Head of a Woman,” 615). Perriman argues that “beginning” not “source” is the better rendering: “The idea here is most probably only that ‘desire’ comes first. The context makes nothing of the idea that every sin derives from desire. Only the temporal aspect is required: desire is the poison sprinkled by Satan on the fruit from which Eve ate, and is thus the beginning of every sin” (Perrimann, “The Head of a Woman,” 616). It seems to me like a false dichotomy to say it’s the beginning and not also the source, when it seems to be both.

On at least one occasion, the first-century Jewish philosopher Philo uses kephalē in a way that probably means source: 

…of all the members of the clan here described Esau is the progenitor, the head (kephalē) as it were of the whole creature. (Prelim. Studies 61)

Although it’s disputed, kephalē seems to be used as a synonym for “progenitor” which clearly refers to Esau being the “source” of “the whole creature” (i.e. his clan).5Payne says that Philo consistently uses the word “progenitor” (genarchēs) “to refer to the founder or first ancestor of a family” (Philo, The Preliminary Studies 133 (of Moses or Levi); Who is the Heir 279 (of Abraham); On Dreams 1.167 (of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob)” (Payne, Man and Woman, 125). However, Perriman—who argues against seeing kephalē as “authority over” or “ruler”—says that “it is at least arguable…that when Philo describes Esau as genarchēs of all the parts of the tribe…he has in mind no more than his priority and historical prominence.” He goes on to say: “The significance of Esau within the rather complex allegorical argument in progress here is that he is the foremost embodiment of certain characteristics, not that he is the source of that which is summed up in him” (Perriman, “The Head of a Woman,” 612). Perriman goes on to give what I think is an unclear treatment of the relationship of genarchēs to kephalē in this passage. Grudem says that genarchēs “can mean ‘ruler of created beings’,” citing Liddle-Scott in support, though he ends up concluding: “It seems impossible from the context to decide clearly for one meaning or the other in this text” (“The Meaning of Kephalē,” 454-55). (There’s another reference in Philo that I’ve added to a list of “Disputed Examples” below.) 

We could also “reconstruct a broad medical understanding of kephalē in the period from Hippocrates (460-380 BC) to Galen (AD 130-200)” where the literal “head” is the source or origin of the body’s muscles, nerves, pleasure, pain, grief, and so on.6See e.g. Galen, Coac. 498; cf. LSJ 945; Payne, Man and Woman, 124; idem., “Forthcoming,” 14; Thiselton, 1 Corinthians, 816-17 for a list of sources. As we’ll see below, however, at least some of these references don’t exclude all notions of the kephalē exercising some ruling function. 

Disputed Examples 

There’s a widely known saying about Zeus that’s cited in several places in Greek literature: 

Zeus was first, Zeus is las with white, vivid lightening;
Zeus the head (kephalē), Zeus the middle, 
Zeus from whom all things are perfected (Orphic Fragments 21a).7This saying is also cited in Proclus (AD 410-485), In Tim. 1.313.21; Aristotle (or Pseudo-Aristotle), de Mundo (“On the World/Cosmos”) 401a.29-30; Eusebius, Praep. Ev. 3.9; Deveni Papyrus, col 13, line 12 (late 4th cent. BC); Stobaeus, Ecl. 1 23 (5th cent. AD); Plutarch, Def. Orac. 436D (uses arche and not kephalē); Achilles Tatius (not the 2nd cent. AD famous author, but to a 3rd cent AD author), lines 32-33 (again, uses arche and not kephalē).

Scholars have taken kephalē here to mean a variety of different things. Payne says this text “identifies Zeus as the maker from whom all things come into existence” and there are many ancient references to Zeus being the “source through whom things come into existence.”8Payne, Man and Woman, 127, see n. 59 for ancient references. Payne rightly points out that several manuscripts that record this saying use the Greek word archē instead of kephalē, which he says supports the meaning of “source” for kephalē, since archē can mean “source.”9Payne, Man and Woman, 127, see n. 60 for references where archē is used instead of kephalē.

But archē has its own ambiguity and can actually means several things in addition to “source,” such as: beginning, origin, or even ruler.10See, for instance, Gen 1:1; Matt 19:4; Mark 1:1; John 1:1; 2:11; Col 1:18; Rev 22:13, where archē means “beginning” and not “source.” Archē means “ruler” in Gen 40:13, 21; 41:13; 2 Macc 4:10; Luke 20:20, et al. (see BDAG). Fitzmyer, who argues that kephalē typically means “leader, authority over,” agrees that this is one of the few cases where kephalē means “source.”11“1 Corinthians 11:3,” 54.

Andrew Perriman, however, disagrees with both Payne and Fitzmyer: “The use of kephalē in” in this passage “is probably better understood to mean ‘beginning’ or ‘creator’ than source’.”12“The Head of a Woman,” 614-615. Perriman goes on to argue that archē does not usually mean “source” but “beginning,” and “it is by no means clear that ‘beginning’ must imply ‘source’.”13“The Head of a Woman,” 611. The TDNT says that in the LXX archē  “usually denotes temporal beginning” and Liddell and Scott “offer only one instance of archē meaning ‘source’ (of an action), and even here the attribution is difficult to account for” (cited in Perriman, “The Head of a Woman,” 611 n. 25). Later on he says: “That archē is found in some MSS in place of kephalē would seem to confirm this view, and certainly does not serve as unambiguous evidence that kephalēcan mean ‘source’.” Later: “Zeus as archē is interpreted as creative power” (Ibid., 615) Grudem likewise believes that

…it is doubtful that “source” would be the best meaning here. The sense “beginning” (of a series) or “first one” (in terms of time) seems most likely here because of (1) the similarity to the idea of “first” and “last” in the previous line and (2) the contrast with “middle” and the mention of perfection in the same line—giving the sense, “Zeus is the beginning, Zeus is the middle, Zeus is the one who completes all things.”14I cannot find which source/page from Grudem where I got this quote.

Grudem goes on to point out that this understanding best explains the variant readings that have archē instead of kephalē. Grudem says “the context shows that the author is not talking about whether Zeus or someone or something else is the source or origin of all things; he is rather affirming that in terms of time Zeus was first and Zeus will be last as well.”15Wayne Grudem, “Does Kephalē (“Head”) Mean “Source” Or “Authority Over” in Greek Literature? A Survey of 2,336 Examples,” Trinity Journal ns 6.1 (Spring 1985): 38-59 (45-46).

I do think that Grudem and Perriman are probably correct. Kephalē means Zeus is the “beginning” not the “source.” Does this exclude notions of “prominence” and “authority?” In other words, when Zeus is called the kephalē, does this mean he’s the “beginning” (or even “source”) and not also an authoritative ruler? I think it’s more probable that when the head deity of the Greek pantheon is described as being the “beginning” (kephalē) of all things, that this also conveys some sense of “authority” or “rulership” as well.16Payne’s own footnote references Barth, Ephesians, documenting “an extensive tradition identifying the supreme god as the ‘head,’ namely, as the ‘originator and power source’ of the universe’” (Payne, n. 59 quoting Barth). This certainly doesn’t feel like it’s talking about head as source with no sense of authority. The full quote from Barth reads: “In religious or related literature—ranging from Orphic fragments through Plato, Cleanthes’ Hymn to Zeus and other Stoic philosophers’ voices, the Magic Papyri, the Naassene Sermon, and up to early medieval Mandaean documents—the idea is expressed that the whole universe resembles one large human body. Its head is its originator, power source, and life spender: it is the supreme god, called e.g. Zeus or Aion or Reason. The members of this body are, on descending levels, the invisible powers, man, animals, organic and inorganic things. According to this notion Zeus is not only the highest part of the universe, but its very life” (Barth, Ephesians, 185).

There’s a reference in Philo that is taken by some to mean “source,” and I do believe this meaning is possible. But others argue that “ruler” and even “prominence” can be gathered from the context as well: 

For as in an animal the head is the first and best part, and the tail the last and worst part, or rather no part at all…so in the same manner what is said here is that the virtuous man shall be the head of the human race whether he be a single man or a whole people. And that all others, being as it were parts of the body, are only vivified by the powers existing in the head (kephalē) and superior portions of the body (On Rewards and Punishments 125, Yonge’s translation)

This text offers an important parallel to Paul’s head/body metaphors, reflecting rather closely Ephesians 4:15-16 and Colossians 2:19.17On the importance of this text, see Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 357. Clinton Arnold, for instance, points out that the “physiology is metaphorically applied to one person (kephalē) in relationship to a group of other people (mere somatos)” and this is similar “to how Paul uses the imagery in Colossians and Ephesians.”18“Jesus Christ,” 357.

As far as the meaning of kephalē goes, once again scholars don’t agree. Joseph Fitzmyer, who argues that kephalē most often means “leader,” agrees that this is one of the few cases where kephalē means “source.”19“1 Corinthians 11:3,” 54. Philip Payne also believes that kephalē means “source” since “the person called ‘head’ is not in authority over the group identified but is their source of life.”20Man and Woman, 125. (Payne points out that the editor of this text, Colson, explains that “head” here refers to “the source of spiritual life” and says that Philo elsewhere understands “the head as the source of spiritual nourishment.”21“Forthcoming,” 16, citing Philo, Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat, 85 (LCL).

Other scholars, however, argue for “leader” or “prominence” here. Wayne Grudem says: 

There is a sense here of the members of the ‘body’ being encouraged and directed by the virtuous leaders who are the ‘head’, but there is no sense in which the ordinary people derive their being or existence from the leaders who are the ‘head’; thus, ‘source’ would be an inappropriate sense of kephalē here as well.

Andrew Perriman also strongly rejects the meaning of “source” here: 

Clearly the zealous individual or nation is not meant to be understood as the ‘source’ of the human race…Philo does not mean that the human race depends on ton spoudaion [the zealous one] for its life but that such an individual or nation, by virtue of this prominence and excellence, is able to motivate and inspire others.”22“The Head of a Woman,” 612-13. See further Perriman’s treatment of the larger context of Philo’s statement on page 613.

I’m not sure that Grudem and Perriman have correctly understand what Payne and others mean by “source,” however. Again, as Payne points out: Philo understands “head” to refer to the “source of spiritual nourishment” and not the source of one’s entire existence. 

As I’ve gone back and read the entire context (esp. from 120-125), which is no easy task—Philo is notoriously difficult to understand for modern readers—it seems like some sense of “authority” or “leadership” should be retained in his understanding of the “mind” which is housed in the kephalē. The “mind” of the virtuous one contains the “beneficent power of God” and is compared to the “palace and the house of God.” The “God of this mind” is “the one only and true ruler, the Holy One of holies” (123). The mind can be “enslaved to many pleasure” when it’s not exercising control over the body; but the mind of a virtuous person who follows the commandments of God possesses “the authority and power of its champion and defender” (124). This is the context which leads Philo to reflect on the “metaphorical form” and “allegorical meaning” of what he’s talking about, which leads into the quote above where kephalē occurs. 

I think Clinton Arnold is probably closest to the mark, when he says that “the dual notion of leadership and source of provisions is present” in Philo’s use of kephalē here.23“Jesus Christ,” 357. Elsewhere, Philo refers to the head as the “master limb of the members” (Spec. Leg. 1.147) and “the first, highest and principal part” and the “chief” (Quaest. In Exod. 1.17), “like the citadel of a king, has as its occupant the sovereign mind” (ton hegemonikon nounQuaest. In Gen. 2.5). And according to Clinton Arnold: “Philo frequently uses the word hegemonikos and its cognates (the ‘dominant’ or ‘leading’ part) to characterize the head (e.g., Op. Mund. 119; Fug. 110, 182; Somn. 2.207; Vit. Mos. 2.30, 82; Spec. Leg. 3.184; Quaest. In Gen. 1.3, 10; 2.5; QuaestIn Exod. 2.124).”24“Jesus Christ,” 356.

In short, kephalē means both “source” (of spiritual nourishment) and the leadership that the mind, which is contained in the head, provides over the body, which is metaphorically applied to the virtuous one’s relationship to the human race. 

Another first-century Jewish work, the Testament of Reuben says: 

For seven spirits are established against mankind, and they are the heads (kephalai) of the deeds of youth (2.2)25Cited in Payne, Man and Woman, 125.

Fitzmyer agrees that this is one of the few cases where kephalē means “source.”26“1 Corinthians 11:3,” 54. Howard Clark Kee’s translation in Charlesworth’s Old Testament Pseudepigrapha translates kephalai as “sources.”27OTP 1.782. Perrimann, however, doesn’t agree: “‘head’ conveys the idea of ‘instigation’, that is, the spirits exert an active, controlling influence, they are the beginning of the deeds of youth: cf., among ‘seven other spirits’ given to man at creation, the ‘spirit of procreation and intercourse’ which leads the young person like a blind man into a ditch’.”28Perriman, “The Head of a Woman,” 616 Grudem also believes the best translation for kephalai here is “leaders.”29“Does Kephalē Mean ‘Source’.”

I think “source” is the clearest meaning, but I’m not sure this meaning excludes all senses of leadership or rule. I think Perriman is correct when he says that the spirits continue to “exert an active, controlling influence” over the youth and therefore are performing some kind of ongoing, ruling function.  

Kephalē occurs 6 times in the writings of a 2nd century (AD) writer Artemidorus Daldianus. Philip Payne includes the following portions as evidence that “‘[h]ead’ here conveys the established metaphorical meaning ‘source’.”30Man and Woman, 126.

Oneirocritica 1.2: “Another man dreamt that he was beheaded. In real life, the father of this man, too, died; for as the head (kephalē) is the source of life and light for the whole body, he was responsible for the dreamer’s life and light…The head (kephalē) indicates one’s father.” 

Oneirocritica 1.35: “The head (kephalē) resembles parents in that it is the cause (aitia) of one’s living.” 

Oneirocritica 3.66: “The head (kephalē) signifies the father of the dreamer…Whenever, then a poor man who has a rich father dreams that his own head has been removed by a lion and that he dies as a result, it is probable that his father will die…For the head (kephalē) represents the father; the removal of the head (kephalē), the death of the father” 

According to the cited portions, it certainly seems like Payne’s interpretation is indisputable. However, the larger context unquoted by Payne puts the interpretation as “source” in question.31See Grudem, “The Meaning of Kephalē,” 455-56 for a discussion and critique of Payne along these lines. Notice the various ways in which “head” is used in the fuller context of Oneirocritica 1.35: 

If a man dreams that he has been beheaded… it is inauspicious both for a man with parents and a man with children. For the head resembles parents in that it is the cause of one’s living. It is like children because of the face and because of the resemblance…. Also, a man who owned a house has lost it. For the head is as it were the house of the senses…To bankers, usurers, men who have to collect subscriptions, shipmasters, merchants, and all who collect money, it [the dream of being beheaded] signifies loss of capital because the word for capital is derived from the word for head…. To a slave who enjoys the confidence of his master, it signifies that he will lose that confidence…. But to other slaves, the dream signifies freedom. For the head is the master of the body, and when it is cut off, it signifies that the slave is separated from his master and will be free…If someone who is at sea sees this dream, it [the dream of being beheaded] signifies that the sailyard of the ship will be lost, unless it is one of the sailors who has seen it. For, in these cases, I have observed that it [the dream of being beheaded]signifies death to their superiors. For the boatswain is the superior of the ordinary sailor; the officer in command of the bow is the boatswain’s superior; the steersman is the superior of the officer who commands the bow; and the shipmaster is the superior of the steersman… 

The author uses kephalē to refer to a literal head, which is symbolically interpreted to refer to a whole range of things: the “house of the sense,” “capital,” a “master of a slave,” and several “superior” leaders on a ship. Even the literal head, after being referred to as the “source of life” (1.2) is also called “the master of the body” (1.35). In short, the various uses of kephalē here certainly includes the meaning “source (of life),” but not to the exclusion of other meanings related to “leadership, authority.” 

As an addendum, I’m interested to further explore the kindship notions that surround kephalē in the above passages, since these might relate to Paul’s argument in 1 Corinthians 11:2-16. I believe Cynthia Long Westfall has explored this in her book Paul and Gender

Kephale as “Prominence” and/or “Leader, Authority Over”        

We turn now to what I have found to be the most common meaning of non-literal uses of kephalē in ancient Greek literature. I’m grouping these together since there are many references to kephalē at the very least meaning “prominence” but also expressing some kind of “ruling” activity. 

For instance, Josephus refers to Jerusalem as the “the very face and head of the whole nation” (War, 4.261).32Cervin says “The notion of ‘leader’ may be admitted here,” p. 111. Grudem and Fitzmyer agree. But Perriman says: “…the context and the close association with prosopōn indicate that the idea behind kephalen is one not of authority but of prominence” (“The Head of a Woman,” 610). At the very least, kephalē means “prominence.” But as the capital city, it would not be a stretch to also see some kind of ruling function as well. This seems clearer in another reference to Jerusalem as “head:” “the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and rules (archei) over all the neighboring country, as the head (kephalē) does over the body” (War, 3.54).33Whiston’s translation, except he translated the verb archei as “presided” but I’ve used “rule” which is the main meaning of the verb and better suits the context of this passage. Kephalē here clearly conveys the idea of “rule,” and it’s even used to describe the head’s relationship to the body. 

Similarly, the Jewish book Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs (2nd cent. B.C.) refers to the two kings of the divided kingdom as two heads: “Do not be divided into two heads (duo kephalas), because everything the Lord has made has a single head. He provides two shoulders, two hands, two feet, but all members obey (hupakouei) one head (kephalē)” (T. Zeb. 9:4).34Cited in Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 358. Arnold points out that this passage is surprisingly left out of the conversation, but it references a head in relation to the body (doesn’t say “body” but it’s clearly implied; body parts, etc.). Also, the author here is “calling attention to Israel’s demise under the divided kingdom when they followed after two kings” (Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 358). Here, prominence is probably present, but the ruling activity of the two kings is clearly the primary meaning in light of the mention of “all members obey one head.” Worthy to note, again, is that the ruling function of the head is described in the context of a head/body metaphor.

Philo also refers to the prominence and ruling activity of kings with the term kephalē. He calls Ptolemy II Philadelphus “in some sense the head of kings (kephalēn tropon tina ton basileon)” (Philo On Rewards and Punishments 2.5).35(ss. 114) See Cervin, 15, for full quote. Fitzmyer (“1 Corinthians 11:3,” 55), classifies this under “ruler, authority over,” etc. Cervin argues that the “kings” here are dead, so how’s it “possible for one dead king to rule or exercise authority over other dead kings” (“On the Significance,” 15). Cervin then says that head means “prominence or preeminence” here. Again: “As the head is the ruling place in the living body, so Ptolemy became among kings (genomenos kathaper en zww to hegemoneuon kephalē tropon tina twn Basilewn)” (Philo, Moses 2.30).36Periman, “The Head of a Woman,” 607, says—without much convincing evidence IMHO—that “the point is evidently not that he ruled over them but that he was outstanding or preeminent among them. This idea is anticipated in the preceding sentence, where it is said that ‘as the house of the Ptolemies flourished above the other dynasties (GREEK), so did Philadelphus above the Ptolemies’.” Philo also refers to the high priest as a “divine word” and his “head” (kephalē) in the words of Clinton Arnold “functions as the ruling faculty (to hegemonikon), and upon it is placed a symbol of his ruling authority (hegemonia)” (Philo, Fug. 108-11).37“Jesus Christ: ‘Head’ of the Church,” 348. The fuller context of Philo reads: “And the most ancient word of the living God is clothed with the word as with a garment, for it has put on earth, and water, and air, and fire, and the things which proceed from those elements. But the particular soul is clothed with the body, and the mind of the wise man is clothed with the virtues. (111) And it is said that he will never take the mitre off from his head, he will never lay aside the kingly diadem, the symbol of an authority which is not indeed absolute, but only that of a viceroy, but which is nevertheless an object of admiration” (Fug. 110-111).

There are several references to military leaders as “head” and their army as a “body.” For instance: 

Iphilcrates used to resemble an army marshalled for action to the human body. The phalanx he called the breast, the light armed troops the hands, the cavalry the feet, and the general the head. If any of the inferior parts were wanting, the army was defective; but if it wanted a general it wanted everything. (Polyaenus, Strategems of War 3.9.2 [2nd Cent. AD]).38Cited in Lee-Barnwall, “Turning Kephalē on its Head,” 606.

But after Vindex had openly declared war, he wrote to Galba inviting him to assume the imperial power, and thus to serve what was a vigorous body in need of a head, meaning the Gallic provinces, which already had a hundred thousand men under arms…39Here “we see the closest parallel to the NT in that the word kephalē is used in conjunction with the word ‘body’ (soma) as a compound metaphor” and “the connotation of authority is readily derivable from the military context (“On the Significance,” 16). I would add several important parallels: (1) head/body metaphor, (2) date—1st century, (3) kephalēused of persons in relation to one another, not just inanimate objects like rivers, etc. Cervin earlier says this is a simile, but Grudem disagrees and says it’s a metaphor: “Vindex does not say that Galba should ‘act like a head’ to something that acts like a body, but should become ‘head’ to a body that is seeking one. It is an extended metaphor, but it is nonetheless a metaphor in which the leader of a government is called the ‘head’ of a body” (Grudem, “Appendix 1,” 439). Bilzekian says: “They needed an emperor in Rome who would ‘serve’ them as the head ‘serves a vigorous body.’ …Headship is viewed in this text as a source of increased vitality….This instance of kephalē is to be listed under ‘source, origin’” (cited in Grudem, “Appendix 1,” 459).  (Plutarch, Galba 4.3 [Loeb])

The light-armed troops are like the hands, the Calvary like the feet, the line of men-at-arms itself like chest and breastplate, and the general is like the head. (Plutarch, Pelopidas, 2.1.3)40Cervin argues that this isn’t a metaphorical use; it’s a simile. Grudem says that’s correct, but it’s still relevant. Plutarch clearly says that the general is “like the head” of the army (Grudem, “The Meaning of Kephalē,” 439). Bilezikian says: “The general’s function as the ‘head’ of the troops is explained as the general’s being the source of their safety ,the cause of their continued existence…This instance of kephalē should be tabulated under ‘Source, origin” (cited in Grudem, “The Meaning of Kephalē,” 459). Lee-Barnwall interacts with Cervin’s concern (and Grudem’s concession) about simile vs. metaphor and rightly says that “simile and metaphor were not considered fundamentally different by the rhetoricians. Thus, Aristotle states, ‘A simile is also a metaphor; for there is little difference…(Similes) should be brought in like metaphors, for they are metaphors, differing in the form of expressions’ (Rhet. 3.4.1)” (Lee-Barnwall, 608).

Other writers use kephale to refer to some kind of ruler or person in authority, such as Plutarch, who says: “‘Ye cannot have the same man as your ruler and your slave’. Since in this case also one certainly can apply the fable of the serpent whose tail rebelled against its head (kephale) and demanded the right to lead in turn instead of always following…” (Plutarch Agesilaus 2.5)41Cervin, “On the Significance,” 15 says this is a literal use of head and not a metaphor. Here, a ruler who follows popular opinions is compared to a serpent whose tail insisted on leading the body instead of it being led by the head. The serpent consequently harmed itself. The implication is that a ruler should be like the “head” of a serpent and thereby lead the people. 

Plutarch records an incident where Catiline, a Roman statesman during the Republic, says to Cicero: 

“What dreadful thing, pray,” said [Cataline], “am I doing, if, when there are two bodies, one lean and wasted, but with a head (kephale), and the other headless (akephalos) but strong and large, I myself become a head (kephale) for this?” (Cicero 14.4). 

It seems rather clear from the context that kephalē refers to an authoritative ruling position, as Wayne Grudem points out: “In saying this, Catiline was threatening to become the head of the people and thus to lead the people in revolt against Cicero. Therefore, ‘Cicero was all the more alarmed’.”42Grudem, “Does Kephalē (‘Head’) Mean ‘Source’ Or ‘Authority Over’ in Greek Literature?”

Richard Cervin, who usually disagrees with Grudem, admits that “the connotation of authority may be present here due to the context” but goes on to identify two problems with this passage: 1) it’s a riddle, and 2) the riddle comes from Cicero’s speech Pro Murena 25.51, and Cicero spoke Latin. “Hence, Plutarch may have been translating this passage from Latin rather literally.”43“On the Significance,” 16. I don’t think Cervin’s point overturns Grudem’s interpretation, however. Even if the original speech was in Latin, Plutarch sees no problem using the Greek term kephalē to convey some kind of leadership role that Catiline was proposing. 

Libanius, a fourth century (A.D.) rhetorician, says that people who derided government authorities “heaped on their own heads insults” (Oration 20.3.15), and in the context, these “heads” are government authorities. In another oration, Libanius calls the emperor a “head” (kephalē) (Oration 52.18).44See Fitzmyer, “I Corinthians 11:3,” 55. And Philo refers “the eternal Logos” with kephalē:“Where is the head of the world? …The head of all things is the eternal Logos of the eternal God, under which, as if it were his feet or other limbs, is placed the whole world” (Quaest. In Exod. 2.117). The “head of the world” and “head of all things” could include some sense of “source,” but it seems to refer primarily to the authority that the Logos has over the world. However, as Clinton Arnold points, Christ is referred to in the next line, which shows that a Christian editor had a hand in the wording here. (I’m not sure if the redactor put in the word kephalē or if it was original.) This doesn’t take away from the fact that the Greek word kephalē still refers to some kind of ruling activity. It just means that it may have come from a later Christian scribe.45Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 348.

In short, there are several references to military leaders and emperors as “heads” ruling over other people, sometimes referred to as a “body.” And there are other references to some kind of authority or leadership role accredited to a person described as a kephalē. As far as I can tell, it wasn’t unnaturally for kephalē to refer to some kind of authoritative leadership role. 

This non-literal use of kephalē was probably connected to the ancient belief that the literal head exercised a ruling function over the body. 

The Literal “Head” Ruling over the Body

On several occasions, Philo referred to the literal head as exercising some kind of rulership over the body: 

Philo, On Dreams 2.207: “‘head’ we interpret allegorically to mean the ruling (hegemona) part of the soul” 

Philo, On Moses 2.82: “The mind is head and ruler (hegemonikon) of the sense-faculty in us”

Philo, Special Laws 184: “Nature conferred the sovereignty of the body on the head

Philo, Quaest. In Gen. 1.10: “The soul innervates and strengthens sense perception by directing its energies to what is suitable for it, with the participation of the parts of the body. And the centre, in one meaning, is the chief and head, as is the leader of a chorus.”46Clinton Arnold notes: “In this passage both the leadership of the head and its ability to provide for the body are stressed” (“Jesus Christ,” 356). 

Philo’s statements resonate with Plato, who said: 

Copying the revolving shape of the universe, the gods bound the two divine orbits into a ball-shaped body, the part that we now call our head (kephalē). This is the most divine part of us, and master (despoteo)of all our other parts. They then assembled the rest of the body and handed the whole of it to the head, to be in its service. (Plato, Timaeus 44d)

Cervin dismisses this passage as evidence for kephalē meaning “ruler,” since “[i]n Plato’s overall philosophy, it is not the head (kephalē) which is the governor or ruler, but rather it is the soul (psyche).”47Cervin, “On the Significance,” 11. I don’t know enough about Plato’s philosophy to agree or disagree. All I can tell is that the Greek word kephalē here is clearly ascribed a ruling function over the body. Perhaps Plato’s statement reflects a correlation between “head” and “soul,” as seen later in Plutarch, who refers to the head and soul as ruling over the body: “We affectionately call a person ‘soul’ or ‘head’(kephalē) from his ruling parts (ton kuriotaton)” (Plutarch, Table Talk 6.7 [692.E.1]).48Cervin says this is a literal use of head and not a metaphor. People were commonly addressed by “O Head” like we’d say “hey, man” and “Plutarch’s use of kephalē as the ‘ruling part’ is surely derived from his Platonism. Remember that for Plato, the ruling part is not the head as such, but the soul which is merely located in the head” (“On the Significance,” 16). But doesn’t this still correlate the notion of “head” being “ruler” in some sense? The head is described as the “ruler” of the body or whole person (for whatever philosophical reason). Or in Philo’s statement quoted above, where the “‘head’ we interpret allegorically to mean the ruling (hegemona) part of the soul” (Philo, On Dreams 2.207; cf. Galen, On the Doctrines of Hippocrates and Plato, 120.1-10 cited below).49See Grudem, “Does Kephalē (“Head”) Mean “Source” Or “Authority Over” in Greek Literature?” 42.

The literal head’s ruling activity over the body can also be seen in some medical writers like Galen (AD 129-216) who writes: 

Nor is it necessary that because the brain, like the great King, dwells in the head as in an acropolis, for that reason the ruling part of the soul is in the brain, or because the brain has the senses stationed around it like body guards, or even if one should go so far as to say that as heaven is to the whole universe, so the head is to man and that therefore as the former is the home of the gods, so the brain is the home of the rational faculty” (Galen, On the Doctrines of Hippocrates and Plato, 120.1-10).50Cited in Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 353.

To most people the head seems to have been formed on account of the encephalon and for that reason to contain all the sense, like the servants and guards of a great king” (Galen, On the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body).51Cited inArnold, “Jesus Christ,” 354. Arnold says that for Galen, the brain is the source of the senses and nerves and all voluntary motion (see De Usu Partiuns 1.453.13-15). “What is important for us to note…is that he was firmly convinced that the egkephalos, located in the kephalē, was the command and supply center for the body” (ibid, 354).

Several scholars suggest that this literal understanding of the relationship between head and body probably served as inspiration for Paul’s head/body metaphor in Ephesians and Colossians.52Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 350-51 citing Lightfoot and M. Barth in support. At the very least, I’d say that the literal understanding of the head’s authority over the body contributed to how non-literal uses of head/body imagery functioned in ancient writing. 

Summary 

As far as I can tell, kephalē can mean “source,” “prominence,” and “leader” in ancient Greek. But the most pervasive meaning is “leader” (or conveying some sense of “authority over”). Of the 5 or 6 references that mean “source,” 3 use kephalē to refer to the source of rivers), 1 to the source of sin, and only 1 refers to a person, Esau, being the “source” of other people (his clan). Another debated example in Philo (On Rewards and Punishments 125) might also mean “source” but without excluding notions of authority.

But when it comes to references where kephalē means “leader, authority over,” we have many more examples (about 15 to 20) where kephalē is used to describe a person or persons leadership or authority over another person or people. Several references even use a head/body metaphor to convey this idea, which is probably connected to the literal understanding of the head’s relationship to the literal body. This observation is important, since the two Pauline passages we’re ultimately concerned with (1 Cor 11:3 and Eph 5:23) use kephalē to describe a person’s relationship to another person; namely, man’s (or a husband’s) relationship to woman (or his wife). 

This doesn’t mean such non-literal use of kephalē was widespread in ancient Greek. Even a dozen or two examples of this usage is still very infrequent in light of the massive volume of Greek literature we’re working with. But were we to ask whether “source” or “leader” was the more common non-literal meaning of kephalē when it’s used in reference to a person’s relationship to other people, then based on the evidence, it seems to me that the best conclusion would be “leader.” 

I do find the claim that it was “foreign…for Greek to use kephalē as a metaphor for ‘leader’”53Payne, The Bible, 54. or that it “would probably never occur to Paul’s typical Greek readers that ‘head’ (kephalē) might mean ‘leader’ or ‘authority over’”54Payne, Man and Woman in Christ, 121.  to be unsubstantiated by the historical evidence thus far. 


  • 1
    Cited in Payne, Man and Woman, 124; cf. The Greek Anthology (date?) “The sources [kephalai] of the river Tearus supply the best water” (Epigrams 703 9:388-89 [LCL]. Perriman pushes back on this reading: “It does not necessarily mean that kephalai denotes ‘source’; it is at least as likely that the word denotes only the highest or furthest point of the river, the ‘head waters’” (“The Head of a Woman,” 613). He goes on: “Even more telling…is the fact that kephalē may also be used for the mouth of a river (Callim. Aetia, P. Oxy., XVII, 2080, 48), which is consistent with the idea that the word denotes that which is prominent or extreme, but sits ill with the notion of ‘source’” (Ibid., 613-14).
  • 2
    Cited in Payne, in a forthcoming study on kephalē, which I’ll refer to as “Forthcoming” (“Forthcoming,” 13). I thank Philip Payne for sending me a pre-published copy of his important study.
  • 3
    Cited in Payne, “Forthcoming,” 13.
  • 4
    Fitzmyer (“1 Corinthians 11:3”) agrees that this is one of the few cases where kephalē means “source” (pg. 54). MS C has “root and beginning” instead of “head” according to Perriman (“The Head of a Woman,” 615). Perriman argues that “beginning” not “source” is the better rendering: “The idea here is most probably only that ‘desire’ comes first. The context makes nothing of the idea that every sin derives from desire. Only the temporal aspect is required: desire is the poison sprinkled by Satan on the fruit from which Eve ate, and is thus the beginning of every sin” (Perrimann, “The Head of a Woman,” 616). It seems to me like a false dichotomy to say it’s the beginning and not also the source, when it seems to be both.
  • 5
    Payne says that Philo consistently uses the word “progenitor” (genarchēs) “to refer to the founder or first ancestor of a family” (Philo, The Preliminary Studies 133 (of Moses or Levi); Who is the Heir 279 (of Abraham); On Dreams 1.167 (of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob)” (Payne, Man and Woman, 125). However, Perriman—who argues against seeing kephalē as “authority over” or “ruler”—says that “it is at least arguable…that when Philo describes Esau as genarchēs of all the parts of the tribe…he has in mind no more than his priority and historical prominence.” He goes on to say: “The significance of Esau within the rather complex allegorical argument in progress here is that he is the foremost embodiment of certain characteristics, not that he is the source of that which is summed up in him” (Perriman, “The Head of a Woman,” 612). Perriman goes on to give what I think is an unclear treatment of the relationship of genarchēs to kephalē in this passage. Grudem says that genarchēs “can mean ‘ruler of created beings’,” citing Liddle-Scott in support, though he ends up concluding: “It seems impossible from the context to decide clearly for one meaning or the other in this text” (“The Meaning of Kephalē,” 454-55).
  • 6
    See e.g. Galen, Coac. 498; cf. LSJ 945; Payne, Man and Woman, 124; idem., “Forthcoming,” 14; Thiselton, 1 Corinthians, 816-17 for a list of sources.
  • 7
    This saying is also cited in Proclus (AD 410-485), In Tim. 1.313.21; Aristotle (or Pseudo-Aristotle), de Mundo (“On the World/Cosmos”) 401a.29-30; Eusebius, Praep. Ev. 3.9; Deveni Papyrus, col 13, line 12 (late 4th cent. BC); Stobaeus, Ecl. 1 23 (5th cent. AD); Plutarch, Def. Orac. 436D (uses arche and not kephalē); Achilles Tatius (not the 2nd cent. AD famous author, but to a 3rd cent AD author), lines 32-33 (again, uses arche and not kephalē).
  • 8
    Payne, Man and Woman, 127, see n. 59 for ancient references.
  • 9
    Payne, Man and Woman, 127, see n. 60 for references where archē is used instead of kephalē.
  • 10
    See, for instance, Gen 1:1; Matt 19:4; Mark 1:1; John 1:1; 2:11; Col 1:18; Rev 22:13, where archē means “beginning” and not “source.” Archē means “ruler” in Gen 40:13, 21; 41:13; 2 Macc 4:10; Luke 20:20, et al. (see BDAG).
  • 11
    “1 Corinthians 11:3,” 54.
  • 12
    “The Head of a Woman,” 614-615.
  • 13
    “The Head of a Woman,” 611. The TDNT says that in the LXX archē  “usually denotes temporal beginning” and Liddell and Scott “offer only one instance of archē meaning ‘source’ (of an action), and even here the attribution is difficult to account for” (cited in Perriman, “The Head of a Woman,” 611 n. 25). Later on he says: “That archē is found in some MSS in place of kephalē would seem to confirm this view, and certainly does not serve as unambiguous evidence that kephalēcan mean ‘source’.” Later: “Zeus as archē is interpreted as creative power” (Ibid., 615)
  • 14
    I cannot find which source/page from Grudem where I got this quote.
  • 15
    Wayne Grudem, “Does Kephalē (“Head”) Mean “Source” Or “Authority Over” in Greek Literature? A Survey of 2,336 Examples,” Trinity Journal ns 6.1 (Spring 1985): 38-59 (45-46).
  • 16
    Payne’s own footnote references Barth, Ephesians, documenting “an extensive tradition identifying the supreme god as the ‘head,’ namely, as the ‘originator and power source’ of the universe’” (Payne, n. 59 quoting Barth). This certainly doesn’t feel like it’s talking about head as source with no sense of authority. The full quote from Barth reads: “In religious or related literature—ranging from Orphic fragments through Plato, Cleanthes’ Hymn to Zeus and other Stoic philosophers’ voices, the Magic Papyri, the Naassene Sermon, and up to early medieval Mandaean documents—the idea is expressed that the whole universe resembles one large human body. Its head is its originator, power source, and life spender: it is the supreme god, called e.g. Zeus or Aion or Reason. The members of this body are, on descending levels, the invisible powers, man, animals, organic and inorganic things. According to this notion Zeus is not only the highest part of the universe, but its very life” (Barth, Ephesians, 185).
  • 17
    On the importance of this text, see Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 357.
  • 18
    “Jesus Christ,” 357.
  • 19
    “1 Corinthians 11:3,” 54.
  • 20
    Man and Woman, 125.
  • 21
    “Forthcoming,” 16, citing Philo, Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat, 85 (LCL).
  • 22
    “The Head of a Woman,” 612-13. See further Perriman’s treatment of the larger context of Philo’s statement on page 613.
  • 23
    “Jesus Christ,” 357.
  • 24
    “Jesus Christ,” 356.
  • 25
    Cited in Payne, Man and Woman, 125.
  • 26
    “1 Corinthians 11:3,” 54.
  • 27
    OTP 1.782.
  • 28
    Perriman, “The Head of a Woman,” 616
  • 29
    “Does Kephalē Mean ‘Source’.”
  • 30
    Man and Woman, 126.
  • 31
    See Grudem, “The Meaning of Kephalē,” 455-56 for a discussion and critique of Payne along these lines.
  • 32
    Cervin says “The notion of ‘leader’ may be admitted here,” p. 111. Grudem and Fitzmyer agree. But Perriman says: “…the context and the close association with prosopōn indicate that the idea behind kephalen is one not of authority but of prominence” (“The Head of a Woman,” 610).
  • 33
    Whiston’s translation, except he translated the verb archei as “presided” but I’ve used “rule” which is the main meaning of the verb and better suits the context of this passage.
  • 34
    Cited in Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 358. Arnold points out that this passage is surprisingly left out of the conversation, but it references a head in relation to the body (doesn’t say “body” but it’s clearly implied; body parts, etc.). Also, the author here is “calling attention to Israel’s demise under the divided kingdom when they followed after two kings” (Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 358).
  • 35
    (ss. 114) See Cervin, 15, for full quote. Fitzmyer (“1 Corinthians 11:3,” 55), classifies this under “ruler, authority over,” etc. Cervin argues that the “kings” here are dead, so how’s it “possible for one dead king to rule or exercise authority over other dead kings” (“On the Significance,” 15). Cervin then says that head means “prominence or preeminence” here.
  • 36
    Periman, “The Head of a Woman,” 607, says—without much convincing evidence IMHO—that “the point is evidently not that he ruled over them but that he was outstanding or preeminent among them. This idea is anticipated in the preceding sentence, where it is said that ‘as the house of the Ptolemies flourished above the other dynasties (GREEK), so did Philadelphus above the Ptolemies’.”
  • 37
    “Jesus Christ: ‘Head’ of the Church,” 348. The fuller context of Philo reads: “And the most ancient word of the living God is clothed with the word as with a garment, for it has put on earth, and water, and air, and fire, and the things which proceed from those elements. But the particular soul is clothed with the body, and the mind of the wise man is clothed with the virtues. (111) And it is said that he will never take the mitre off from his head, he will never lay aside the kingly diadem, the symbol of an authority which is not indeed absolute, but only that of a viceroy, but which is nevertheless an object of admiration” (Fug. 110-111).
  • 38
    Cited in Lee-Barnwall, “Turning Kephalē on its Head,” 606.
  • 39
    Here “we see the closest parallel to the NT in that the word kephalē is used in conjunction with the word ‘body’ (soma) as a compound metaphor” and “the connotation of authority is readily derivable from the military context (“On the Significance,” 16). I would add several important parallels: (1) head/body metaphor, (2) date—1st century, (3) kephalēused of persons in relation to one another, not just inanimate objects like rivers, etc. Cervin earlier says this is a simile, but Grudem disagrees and says it’s a metaphor: “Vindex does not say that Galba should ‘act like a head’ to something that acts like a body, but should become ‘head’ to a body that is seeking one. It is an extended metaphor, but it is nonetheless a metaphor in which the leader of a government is called the ‘head’ of a body” (Grudem, “Appendix 1,” 439). Bilzekian says: “They needed an emperor in Rome who would ‘serve’ them as the head ‘serves a vigorous body.’ …Headship is viewed in this text as a source of increased vitality….This instance of kephalē is to be listed under ‘source, origin’” (cited in Grudem, “Appendix 1,” 459). 
  • 40
    Cervin argues that this isn’t a metaphorical use; it’s a simile. Grudem says that’s correct, but it’s still relevant. Plutarch clearly says that the general is “like the head” of the army (Grudem, “The Meaning of Kephalē,” 439). Bilezikian says: “The general’s function as the ‘head’ of the troops is explained as the general’s being the source of their safety ,the cause of their continued existence…This instance of kephalē should be tabulated under ‘Source, origin” (cited in Grudem, “The Meaning of Kephalē,” 459). Lee-Barnwall interacts with Cervin’s concern (and Grudem’s concession) about simile vs. metaphor and rightly says that “simile and metaphor were not considered fundamentally different by the rhetoricians. Thus, Aristotle states, ‘A simile is also a metaphor; for there is little difference…(Similes) should be brought in like metaphors, for they are metaphors, differing in the form of expressions’ (Rhet. 3.4.1)” (Lee-Barnwall, 608).
  • 41
    Cervin, “On the Significance,” 15 says this is a literal use of head and not a metaphor.
  • 42
    Grudem, “Does Kephalē (‘Head’) Mean ‘Source’ Or ‘Authority Over’ in Greek Literature?”
  • 43
    “On the Significance,” 16.
  • 44
    See Fitzmyer, “I Corinthians 11:3,” 55.
  • 45
    Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 348.
  • 46
    Clinton Arnold notes: “In this passage both the leadership of the head and its ability to provide for the body are stressed” (“Jesus Christ,” 356). 
  • 47
    Cervin, “On the Significance,” 11.
  • 48
    Cervin says this is a literal use of head and not a metaphor. People were commonly addressed by “O Head” like we’d say “hey, man” and “Plutarch’s use of kephalē as the ‘ruling part’ is surely derived from his Platonism. Remember that for Plato, the ruling part is not the head as such, but the soul which is merely located in the head” (“On the Significance,” 16). But doesn’t this still correlate the notion of “head” being “ruler” in some sense? The head is described as the “ruler” of the body or whole person (for whatever philosophical reason).
  • 49
    See Grudem, “Does Kephalē (“Head”) Mean “Source” Or “Authority Over” in Greek Literature?” 42.
  • 50
    Cited in Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 353.
  • 51
    Cited inArnold, “Jesus Christ,” 354. Arnold says that for Galen, the brain is the source of the senses and nerves and all voluntary motion (see De Usu Partiuns 1.453.13-15). “What is important for us to note…is that he was firmly convinced that the egkephalos, located in the kephalē, was the command and supply center for the body” (ibid, 354).
  • 52
    Arnold, “Jesus Christ,” 350-51 citing Lightfoot and M. Barth in support.
  • 53
    Payne, The Bible, 54.
  • 54
    Payne, Man and Woman in Christ, 121. 
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  1. Philip B. Payne on

    Did some Greeks regard the brain, and so derivatively, the head as ruling the body? Yes, but only a minority. Did some of those minority compare people in authority to a head? Yes. Does this mean that “head” was an established metaphor for “authority” in Greek in Paul’s day? No, because literal uses of head and comparisons to a head (similes) are not metaphors. They should not be claimed as metaphors, and certainly not as evidence that “head” was an established metaphor for “authority.” There are many crucial flaws in Preston’s analysis of what “head” means in ancient Greek literature, including the following ten, which I will summarize first, then explain with examples:
    1. Preston does not mention that hardly any dictionaries of ancient secular Greek list the meaning “authority” or anything related to it, but that it is common for secular Greek dictionaries to include the meaning “source” going back at least to the twelfth century.
    2. Preston does not acknowledge that according to Liddell and Scott’s dictionary the meaning “chief” emerged as an established meaning for “head” in the Byzantine era nor that according to Dhimitrakou’s dictionary this didn’t occur until the medieval era.
    3. Preston does not adequately distinguish between literal and metaphorical uses of “head” and between its use as a metaphor (x “is” a head) and as a simile (x “as” head or “is like” a head). This is a crucial distinction acknowledged by Grudem since only metaphors provide a basis for the existence of a metaphor. And only a pattern of metaphors provides a basis for calling a metaphorical meaning an “established” usage.
    4. Preston repeatedly interprets “head” as having or potentially having more than one meaning. But this is not how most readers understand the meaning of metaphors.
    5. Preston interprets Greek uses of “head” as if they were English, where “authority” is an established meaning of “head.” But “head” was not an established meaning of “head” in Greek when Paul wrote. This should be obvious from the absence of anything related to “leader” or “authority” in the forty-nine figurative meanings for kephalē in the standard Classical Greek dictionary (LSJ) and from the paucity of clear metaphorical uses of “head” meaning “leader” in the best-attested LXX translation of the 180 instances where in Hebrew “head” meant “leader.” There is only one clear case. All other alleged instances were not in the LXX but were added by Origen in the 3rd century, are explained in context to mean something different from “leader,” or the text has eis kephalēn, which readers could have understood as a simile “as head” conveying “as top.”
    6. Preston does not adequately address Greek philosophical and medical beliefs about what the cognitive and controlling center of the body is. In particular, he completely ignores Paul’s overwhelming use of “heart” rather than “head” when referring to what we now regard cognitive and volitional activity.
    7. Preston gives only superficial treatment of what is by far the most commonly cited metaphorical use of “head” in Greek literature: “Zeus the head, Zeus the middle, Zeus from whom all things are completed.” He never mentions that “head” in this saying is often explained as “source” or “cause.”
    8. Preston does not acknowledge that the only clear instances he cites of “head” as a metaphor for “authority” in secular Greek are from the fourth century AD.
    9. Although Preston makes occasional reference to Cervin’s arguments against interpreting “head” as a metaphor for “authority” in particular instances, he does not mention that Cervin, Perriman, and Gilbert Bilezikian argue against the validity of virtually all the examples Preston cites.
    10. Preston’s stated total (“5 or 6”) for instances meaning “source” is smaller than the number of texts he identifies as meaning “source.”
    1. Before concluding that “authority” was a standard metaphorical meaning for kephalē in secular Greek in Paul’s day, Preston should at least acknowledge the meanings secular Greek dictionaries give for kephalē. Both of the only two references Preston makes to any secular Greek dictionary, LSJ, cite it incorrectly. LSJ 945 identifies as one of many uses of κεφαλή that identify “source” or “origin,” its use to identify “of muscles, origin, Gal.UP7.14,” and LSJ’s Supplement 83 adds “Hp.Coac.498.” Preston’s n. 6 cites this, instead, to support his unrelated statement that “the literal ‘head’ is the source or origin of the body’s muscles, nerves, pleasure, pain, grief, and so on.” Preston makes no mention of the metaphorical uses of “head” meaning the “origin” of muscles in his examples of “head” meaning “source.” These are important because they confirm a pattern of the metaphorical use of “head” meaning “source.” In n. 13 Preston cites Perriman: “Liddell and Scott ‘offer only one instance of archē meaning “source” (of an action)’.” Preston neglects to note that LSJ 252 precedes this with twelve references to “beginning, origin” and that Lampe’s Patristic Greek Lexicon 234–35 has almost four columns of references to archē meaning “beginning, source, principle,” including most of both columns of p. 235 related to “creation, First Cause, Creator.”
    Grudem, on whom Preston depends heavily, is also an unreliable guide to what secular Greek dictionaries state. Grudem’s Evangelical Feminism, 590 asserts, “Liddell-Scott was the only Greek-English lexicon that even mentioned the possibility of the meaning ‘source’ for κεφαλή.” But in fact, many lexicons cite κεφαλή meaning “source.” The ninth-century lexicographer Photius explained κεφαλή in 1 Cor 11:3 as “begetter” (γεννήτωρ) and “originator” (προβολεύς) (Staab, Pauluskommentare 567.1–2 regarding 1 Cor 11:3). The twelfth-century Johannes Zonaras Lexicon, the sixteenth-century lexicons by Petrina, Estienne, and Budé, Tusanus, Gesner and Junius, and later lexicons by Passow, Pape, Schenkl, Woodhouse, Bailly, Bölting, Rost, Feyerabend, Montanari, and Banks also list the meaning “source” for κεφαλή. NIDNTT states that in 1 Cor 11:3 “head is probably to be understood not as ‘chief’ or ‘ruler’ but as ‘source’ or ‘origin’.”
    Grudem continues by asserting, “All … lexicons … for ancient Greek, or their editors … give kephalē the meaning ‘person in authority over.’” LSJ, however, lists forty-nine figurative meanings for κεφαλή, including various examples meaning “source.” It does not, however, list “leader,” “authority” or anything similar as a meaning for κεφαλή. None of its supplements, by Barber, Renehan, and Glare, nor the lexicons by Moulton and Milligan, F. Preisigke, P. Chantraine, or S. C. Woodhouse, nor the twelve additional Greek lexicons cited by Richard S. Cervin, “Does Κεφαλή mean “Source” or “Authority Over” in Greek Literature? A Rebuttal,” Trinity Journal 10 NS (1989), 85–112, at 86–87, give even one example near Paul’s time where κεφαλή means leader or authority. Heinrich Schlier in TDNT 3:674 states, “[I]n secular usage κεφαλή is not employed for the head of a society. This is first found in the sphere of the Gk. OT.” Apart from New Testament lexicons, the vast majority of Greek lexicons list no meaning related to leader. The only two citations meaning leader I have found in secular Greek lexicons are citations from the fourth century AD.
    2. Liddell and Scott’s seventh and eighth editions identify the meaning “chief” as “Byzantine.” Dhimitrakou’s dictionary lists the meaning “leader” as medieval.
    3. Preston does not adequately distinguish between literal (including similes) and metaphorical and uses of “head.” He should have noted that P. G. W. Glare, editor of the 1996 LSJ Supplement disagrees with many of the examples that Grudem (followed by Preston) says mean “leader”: “Where I would agree with Cervin is that in many of the examples, and I think all the Plutarch ones, we are dealing with similes or comparisons and the word itself [kephalē] is used in a literal sense” (cited from Grudem’s Evangelical Feminism and Biblical Truth, p. 588).
    For example, Preston’s section on Kephalē as “Prominence” and/or “Leader, Authority Over” states, “We turn now to what I have found to be the most common meaning of non-literal uses of kephalē in ancient Greek literature.” The first example Preston claims to be “clear” regards Josephus, War, 3.54, “the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and rules (archei) over all the neighboring country, as the head (kephalē) does over the body.” In this case, “head” is literal and is used in a simile. This is not a metaphor or non-literal use of “head.”
    Preston next cites the Testament of Zebulon 9:4, but each instance of “head” here is literal. There has been nothing in the previous text of this document that even mentions “king” or “kingdom,” so when readers come to this passage, it would be natural for them to understand “head” literally. The passage that follows is introduced with a change of subject to “the writings of the fathers” that applies the lesson about being divided to a future time, “the last days.” Preston should not on the basis of the following passage, included 9:4 as an example of a “non-literal” use of “head.”
    The next example Preston cites is Philo in On Rewards and Punishments 2.5 calling Ptolemy II Philadelphus “in some sense the head of kings (kephalēn tropon tina ton basileon).” “In some sense” (tropon tina) indicates that this is a simile rather than a metaphor.
    The next example Preston cites is Philo, Moses 2.30, “As the head is the ruling place in the living body, so Ptolemy became among kings (genomenos kathaper en zww to hegemoneuon kephalē tropon tina twn Basilewn).” “Head” here is literal. It should not be included as an example of a “non-literal” use of “head.” Perriman, Speaking of Women, 21 writes, “the point is evidently not that he ruled over them [the other kings in the Ptolemaic dynasty] – they were dead.” Note, too, that omegas should be transliterated ō, not w, just like etas are translated ē.
    Preston’s next example, Philo, Fug. 108-11, also uses “head” literally.
    In Preston’s next example, Polyaenus, Strategems of War 3.9.2 [second century AD]), the general is “called” the head, just as the phalanx is “called” the breast, the light armed troops the hands, the cavalry the feet. It is obvious that “breast,” “hands,” and “feet” refer to those literal body parts, so the same must be true for “head” as well. Consequently, Preston should not include this as an examples of a “non-literal” use of “head.”
    Glare identifies Preston’s following examples as literal: Plutarch, Galba 4.3, Pelopidas, 2.1.3, Agesilaus 2.5, and Cicero 14.4. Each makes a comparison. “Head” is certainly also literal in its first two occurrences Cicero 14.4, and may be in the third. In any event, as Preston acknowledges, this is a translation of Cicero’s Latin speech, where in order to preserve the linguistic parallel of the original analogy, he had to repeat “head.” We know that “head” was a standard metaphor for “leader” in Latin, as it was in Hebrew. Consequently, this translation is not clear evidence that “head” was a standard metaphor for “leader” in Greek.
    Preston concludes his section on “Kephalē as ‘Prominence’ and/or ‘Leader, Authority Over’” by again referring to the “non-literal use of kephalē.” None of his examples prior to the fourth century AD, however, are clearly “non-literal.”
    4. Preston repeatedly interprets “head” as having or potentially having more than one meaning. Metaphors, however, typically convey a single meaning. But this is not how most readers understand the meaning of metaphors. Unless the context specifically sets up a second meaning, once readers recognize the meaning of a metaphor, they do not continue to ask themselves, “I wonder if this word has another meaning.” They just keep reading. For example, Preston writes regarding Philo, On Rewards and Punishments 125, “I think ‘source’ is the clearest meaning, but I’m not sure this meaning excludes all senses of leadership or rule.” Just because someone who is describes as “head” meaning “source” may also in some sense have an instigating or leading function, does not mean that “head” also means “leader” or “instigator.” Preston continues, “kephalē means both “source” (of spiritual nourishment) and the leadership that the mind, which is contained in the head, provides over the body, which is metaphorically applied to the virtuous one’s relationship to the human race.” But this passage in Philo makes to reference to “mind.” We should not assume that Philo’s readers would make this modern association of “mind” with the “head” because Greeks commonly thought of the mind as expressed by Lucretius (ca. 97–54 BC) in In De rerum natura 3.138–145: “the rational power, which we call the mind and the intellect … has its fixed place in the central area of the breast, because this is where fear and dread surge up, this is the vicinity in which joys caress us; here therefore is the mind and the intellect.” Similarly, Preston writes regarding the Testament of Reuben 2.2, “I think “source” is the clearest meaning, but I’m not sure this meaning excludes all senses of leadership or rule.” Point 10 below demonstrates how the following description of the seven spirits makes it clear that “head” here simply means “source.”
    5. Preston’s interpretations may seem to make sense to English readers who assume the brain is the control center of the body and automatically assume that references to the “head” of a group has authority over that group. But just consider that anyone could use similar evidence to argue that “rock” means “leader.” They could cite examples where person is called a “rock” and somewhere else in that context that person is also said to “lead” or “command” others. Or they could cite examples where leaders are compared to a rock. These examples would not persuade English speakers that “rock” means “leader,” because we know that “rock” is not a common metaphor for “leader” in English. Almost all of the “head” examples Preston cites only sound convincing to English readers because we are conditioned by English usage to assume that “head” means “authority.”
    6. Preston appears to think that Greeks in general thought the head was the controlling part of the body. But the Oxford Classical Dictionary describes the idea that the head was the controlling part of the body as a minority view. After citing Galen (AD 129–216), Preston writes, “Several scholars suggest that this literal understanding of the relationship between head and body probably served as inspiration for Paul’s head/body metaphor in Ephesians and Colossians.” But Galen’s medical writings were written over a century after Paul died so could not have influenced Paul or his contemporaries.
    Paul regularly uses “heart” in contexts where we say “mind,” as evident by the RSV translations of Rom 1:21 “senseless minds,” 2 Cor 4:15 “a veil lies over their minds,” and 2 Cor 9:17, “made up his mind.” The absence of references to “brain” or “nerves” in Paul’s letters and his use of “heart” fifty-two times for functions now attributed to the brain make it doubtful that Paul regarded the head as the “command center” of the body. Paul associated intelligence and control of the body with the heart in such expressions as “their foolish heart was darkened” (Rom 1:21), “stubborn and unrepentant heart” (Rom 2:5), “the law written in their hearts” (Rom 2:15), “do not say in your heart” (Rom 10:6–8), “it is with your heart that you believe” (Rom 10:9–10), “by smooth talk and flattery they deceive the hearts” (Rom 16:18), “no heart has conceived God’s plans” (1 Cor 2:9), “the motives of the heart” (1 Cor 4:5),“he who has decided in his own heart” (1 Cor 7:37), “the secrets of the heart will be disclosed” (1 Cor 14:25), “may the eyes of your heart be enlightened to know” (Eph 1:18), “make wise your heart” (Eph 5:19), and “call on the Lord out of a pure heart” (2 Tim 2:22). The number of passages in Greek literature that refer to the heart guiding the body are vastly greater than passages that refer to the head as guiding the body. Preston’s essay gives the opposite impression.
    Modern science regards the brain as the control center of the body and so reinforces the metaphorical use of “head” for “leader,” but this was not the consensus in ancient Greek thought. Although some medical writers argued that the brain is the seat of cognition, Plato “moved the command center to the heart (Tim. 70a ff.), followed by Aristotle and Diocles (3) of Carystus. The debate continued until Galen reasserted the very early primacy of the liver in the 2nd cent. AD” [J. T. Vallance, “Anatomy and Physiology,” OCD (rev. 3rd ed.; 2003), 82–85, at 83]. For example, Plato, “within the chest—or ‘thorax,’ as it is called—they fastened the mortal kind of soul … between the midriff and the neck [comes] … the word of command from the citadel of reason.… [70b] And the heart … they appointed … their best part to be the leader of them all” (Tim. 70a, b, 180–83 [LCL]). The ancient Greek world commonly believed that the heart, not the head, was the center of emotions and spirit, the “central governing place of the body” (LCL: Aristotle, Mot. an. 2.703a.35). Aristotle wrote in Part. an. 3.4.665b and 3.10.672b.17 of the heart as the “primary or dominating part … the center wherein abides the sensory soul.” Aristotle held that the heart was not only the seat of control but also the seat of intelligence.
    Classicist Michael Wigodsky of Stanford is probably correct that many, even of the doctors with the most advanced anatomical understanding of the brain, did not really believe that the brain exerted more control over the body than the heart (conversations with the author at Stanford Univ., September 27 and October 4, 1984). Such a notion seemed to contradict the nearly universal belief that, since the life is in the blood, the heart must be the center of life. In De rerum natura 3.138–145 Lucretius argues for the Epicurean distinction: “the rational power, which we call the mind and the intellect … has its fixed place in the central area of the breast, because this is where fear and dread surge up, this is the vicinity in which joys caress us; here therefore is the mind and the intellect. The rest of the soul, distributed throughout the whole body, obeys, and moves at the mind’s impulse and behest” [P. Michael Brown, trans., Lucretius: De Rerum Natura III (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1997), 28–29]. References to “mind,” therefore should not be assumed to be associated with “head.” In light of statements like these, it is hardly surprising that the idea of authority was not normally associated with the word for “head” in Greek literature.
    7. Preston wrote, “Kephalē means Zeus is the ‘beginning’ not the ‘source’.” But Preston’s footnote 16 quotes Markus Barth, Ephesians, 1:185, “In religious or related literature—ranging from Orphic fragments through Plato, Cleanthes’ Hymn to Zeus and other Stoic philosophers’ voices, the Magic Papyri, the Naassene Sermon, and up to early medieval Mandaean documents—the idea is expressed that the whole universe resembles one large human body. Its head is its originator, power source, and life spender: it is the supreme god, called e.g. Zeus or Aion or Reason.” If “head” in this famous saying did not mean “source,” why do so many of these citations explain that as “head” Zeus is the “cause” or “source” of all things? Why does the standard Classical Greek Dictionary, LSJ 945 identify “head” in this saying to mean “generally, source, origin, Ζεὺς κεφαλή (v. l. ἀρχή) … Orph.Fr.21a”? Almost all of the passages including this famous saying refer to Zeus as the creator/source of all things. None of them identify Zeus as the “beginning” of all things. In any event, how is Zeus the “beginning” of any person, place, or thing? Only if “beginning” is understood in the sense of “source” does “beginning” make sense as the meaning of “head” in this saying. But in that case, it is more clear to say that “head” in this saying means “source” or “cause” or “creator,” all of which imply that Zeus in the source of all things.
    Most importantly, Preston does not acknowledge that many of the twenty citations of this “Zeus” saying that I provided to Preston explain “head” as “cause” (αἴτιος) or “source” (ἀρχή) explained as the producing cause (ὡς ποιητικὸν αἴτιον) and its use in parallel with τέτυκται, “cause, bring to pass.”
    Orphic fragment 21a is one of the most widely quoted classical sayings:
    πάντων αὐτὸς αἴτιος ὤν. διὸ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Ὀρφικοῖς οὐ κακῶς λέγεται·
    Ζεὺς πρῶτος γένετο, Ζεὺς ὕστατος ἀργικέραυνος·
    Ζεὺς κεφαλή, Ζεὺς μέσσα· Διὸς δ’ ἐκ πάντα τελεῖται· [Otto Kern, Orphicorum Fragmenta (2 vols.; Berlin: Weidman, 1963), 2:91]
    I translate this:
    “he is himself the cause of all things. Wherefore it is well said in the Orphic Hymns,
    Zeus was born first, Zeus the last with bright vivid lightning,
    Zeus the head, Zeus the middle, Zeus through whom all things are fulfilled.”
    This saying with identical wording is also preserved in the introduction to the scholia on Lycrophon’s Alexandra by Isaac Tzetzes (or his father John) [Ed. Christ. Gottfried Müller, Ισαακιου και Ιωαννου του Τζετζου Σχολὶα βις Λυκοφρονα (3 vols.; Leipzig: F. C. G. Vogelii, 1811), 3:259]. The introduction, “he is himself the cause [αἴτιος] of all things” explicitly identifies Zeus as the source of all things, so makes the established meaning “source” the most natural meaning of κεφαλή in this context. The final verb τελεῖται, “are fulfilled” requires that κεφαλή means “source” to preserve the saying’s symmetry: “Zeus the source (κεφαλή), Zeus the middle, Zeus through whom all things are fulfilled.” This triad is the primary context for determining the meaning of κεφαλή here, but there is also a natural logical progression from Zeus being first in the preceding statement to Zeus being the source.

    The myriad references to Zeus as the source through whom things come into existence support understanding κεφαλή in this saying to mean “source.” These include Acts 17:28’s, “τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος ἐσμέν quotation from Aratus, Phaen. 5a, τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος εἰμέν, “for we are his offspring.” Luke’s introductory “as even some of your poets have said,” highlights this quotation as widely known.

    Orphic fragment 168 and both the LCL and Johan C. Thom editions of Pseudo-Aristotle, On the Cosmos 7 p. 401 a 27–30 repeat this saying using the same words except for substituting τέτυκται for τελεῖται, so this line ends, “from Zeus all things exist.” The final verb τέτυκται is from τεύχω, which LSJ 1784 defines, “cause, bring to pass … of Zeus … τέτυκται there exists,” and so identifies Zeus as the maker from whom all things come into existence. This reading further emphasizes Zeus as the source from whom all things come into existence. For this version as well to convey a symmetrical meaning, κεφαλή must convey the meaning “source”: “Zeus the source (κεφαλή) … from Zeus all things exist.”

    A scholion quotes Ζεὺς ἀρχή, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς δ’ ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται and then explains: “And he is the source (ἀρχή), as the producing cause (ὡς ποιητικὸν αἴτιον), and he is the end as the final cause, and he is the middle, as being present in everything equally, and everything partakes of him in a variety of ways.” Ἀρχή, which replaces κεφαλή, is explained “as the producing cause,” which specifies that ἀρχή means the active cause or “source,” not merely “beginning.”

    Eusebius, Praep. ev. 3.9.2, citing Porphyry, quotes the Orphic hymn to “Zeus the head” introduced with “he created all things” and followed by “Zeus alone first cause of all” and “[Zeus] is the mind from which he brings forth all things, and by his thoughts creates them” (Edwin Hamilton Gifford, trans., Eusebius: Preparation for the Gospel (2 vols.; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1981) 1:100–1). These comments further confirm the meaning “source.”

    According to the “Introduction to the Text” by K. Tsantsanoglou accessed 5 Aug. 2021 at http://ancientworldonline.blogspot.com/2012/06/derveni-papyrus-interdisciplinary.html, “[T]he oldest [Greek] literary papyrus, dated roughly between 340 and 320 BC,” the Derveni Papyrus, column 17, line 12 includes Ζεὺς κεφα̣[λή, Ζεὺς μέσ]σ̣α̣, Διὸς δ’ ἐκ̣ [π]άντα τέτ̣[υκται·] Line 14 associates κεφαλή with ἀρχή. This adds yet one more confirmation that κεφαλή in this saying means “source” and did so prior to Paul.

    Stobaeus, Eclog. 1.23.2 quotes, Ζεὺς κεφαλή, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς δ’ ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται and summarizes at 1.23.6, Ζεὺς αὐτὸς ἁπάντων ἀρχιγένεθλος· “Zeus himself first author of everything.” LSJ, p. 252 “ἀρχιγένεθλος ‘= ἀρχέγονος’,” LSJ, p. 251, ἀρχέγονος “first author or origin.” This also emphasizes Zeus as the source of everything.

    Similarly, Proclus, Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus [28C] 1:313 line 21 and 23b, quotes, Ζεὺς κεφαλή, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς τ’ ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται. … Ζεὺς αὐτὸς ἁπάντων ἀρχιγένεθλος. “Zeus himself first author of everything” once again emphasizes that κεφαλή means “source.” The existence of many citations of this well-attested saying with κεφαλή replaced by ἀρχή—which in context most naturally means “source”—confirms the meaning “source.”
    All these citations demonstrate that “Zeus the head …” is by far the most commonly cited metaphorical use of κεφαλή near Paul’s time and that κεφαλή in this saying means “source.” W. C. Van Unnik in Sparsa Collecta p. 192 writes that this saying “was extremely well known in Late Antiquity and the New-Platonist Proclus in particular made extensive use of it.”
    8. Preston does not acknowledge that the only clear instances he cites of “head” as a metaphor for “authority” in secular Greek are from the fourth century AD. The first clear examples of “head” used as a metaphor for “leader” Preston cites in his section on “non-literal” uses of Kephalē conveying “Prominence” and/or “Leader, Authority Over” are his eleventh and twelfth examples, from “Libanius, a fourth century (A.D.) rhetorician” (Oration 20.3.15 and 52.18).
    9. Although Preston makes occasional reference to the Cervin’s arguments against interpreting “head” as a metaphor for “authority in particular instances, he does not mention that Cervin, Perriman, and Gilbert Bilezikian (“A Critical Examination of Wayne Grudem’s Treatment of Kephalē in Ancient Greek Texts,” [in Beyond Sex Roles (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1985), 215–52]) argue against the validity of virtually all the examples Preston cites. Richard S. Cervin concludes: “In fact, there are so far no clear and unambiguous instances in native Greek literature before the NT where kephalē … is so used. It is not a native Greek metaphor. The use of kephalē as a personal metaphor for ‘ruler’ or ‘leader’ first appears in the Septuagint … The relatively few uses of kephalē as a metaphor for leader can be best explained as due to Hebrew influence” (“On the Significance of Kephalē (Head): A Study of the Abuse of One Greek Word,” Missing Voices (Minneapolis, Minn.: CBE, 2014), 4–16 at 12, 14). Richard S. Cervin, “Does Κεφαλή [Kephalē] Mean ‘Source’ or ‘Authority Over’ in Greek Literature? A Rebuttal,” Trinity Journal 10 NS (1989): 85–112, at 86–87 concludes similarly. Cervin submitted his “Rejoinder” to Trinity Journal, but its editor, Douglas J. Moo, refused to publish it even after devoting two articles totaling 111 pages to Grudem’s view and only 34 pages to Cervin’s. Andres Perriman. Speaking of Women: Interpreting Paul (Leicester: Apollos, 1998), 14–25, at 24 writes, “[N]othing in these texts requires kephalē to be taken to mean ‘one who has authority over’… Hermas Similitudes 7.3 [describes] … participation of the family in the experience of the head, and vice versa, … not the authority of the head over the family.” Cervin, “Rebuttal,” 104–5 notes that Hebrew or Latin influence may explain Herm. Sim. 7.3. For more detail, see their published arguments.
    10. Preston’s stated total (“5 or 6”) for instances meaning “source” is smaller than the number of texts he identifies as meaning “source.” Beyond the five he lists as clearly meaning “source” Preston writes regarding Philo, On Rewards and Punishments 125: “kephalē means both “source” (of spiritual nourishment) and the leadership that the mind, which is contained in the head, provides over the body.” Similarly Preston writes regarding Testament of Reuben 2.2: “I think ‘source’ is the clearest meaning, but I’m not sure this meaning excludes all senses of leadership or rule.” Note, however, that this is followed by: “First is the spirit of life, with which man is created” [with clear reference to source, not rule]. “The second is the spirit of seeing, with which comes desire” [a clear reference to source, not rule]. “The third is the spirit of hearing, with which comes instruction” [referring to source, not rule]. “The fourth is the spirit of smell, with which is given taste” [referring to source, not rule]. “The fifth is the spirit of speech, with which comes knowledge.” [clearly referring to source, not rule]. “The sixth is the spirit of taste for consuming food and drink; by it comes strength” [a clear reference to source, not rule]. “The seventh is the spirit of procreation and intercourse, with which come sins through fondness for pleasure” [this refers far more obviously to source than rule]. Note that “Perrimann” after n. 27 in the text should not have two n’s.
    Similarly, regarding three passages in Artemidorus Daldianus Oneirocritica, 1.2, 35; 3.66, Preston writes, “the various uses of kephalē here certainly include the meaning “source (of life),” but not to the exclusion of other meanings related to “leadership, authority.” However, in these specific dreams kephalē does mean the “source of life” according to Artemidorus’s explanations for most dreamers. Only for specific classes of dreamers does the meaning change, and for each of these the meaning is different and applies to their specific relationships. Artemidorus’s explanations of the meaning of “head” are not themselves metaphors. Artemidorus, however, identifies the metaphorical meaning of “head” as “source” for most people in the specific dreams he identifies.
    Preston mentions Cynthia Long Westfall, Paul and Gender. For further argument that Paul uses “head” to mean “source,” see two articles in Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (eds. Stanley E. Porter and Andrew W. Pitts; Texts and Editions for New Testament Study 9; Leiden: Brill, 2013), Cynthia Long Westfall, “‘This Is a Great Metaphor!’ Reciprocity in the Ephesians Household Code,” 561–98 and Michelle Lee-Barnewell, “Turning Κεφαλή on Its Head: The Rhetoric of Reversal in Ephesians 5:21–33,” 599–614.
    In addition to these ten weaknesses in Preston’s argument, he makes the following specific misleading statements:
    Preston writes, “Fitzmyer … agrees that this [Philo, On Rewards and Punishments 125] is one of the few cases where kephalē means ‘source’.” Later, regarding the Testament of Reuben 2.2, Preston repeat this again, “Fitzmyer agrees that this is one of the few cases where kephalē means ‘source’.” But in both cases, what Preston attributes to Fitzmyer, is not in Fitzmyer’s text. The passages Preston cites do not state that there are “few cases where kephalē means ‘source’.” Fitzmyer has just listed seven instances where “head” means “source,” and identifies an eighth in note 5. What Fitzmyer does state is that the meaning “source” “does not occur in as many instances as in the sense of ‘ruler, leader’.” But Fitzmyer gets this result only by including literal instances of “head,” many instances in the LXX that are explained in context to mean something other than “leader” or are not clearly metaphors, and by not counting the vast majority of instances of the Zeus saying. If you limit this comparison to clear cases of instances where the context shows that “head” is a metaphor, far more mean “source” than “leader,” especially up to the time of Paul.

    After citing five passages where Preston acknowledges that “head” means “source,” he writes, “As we’ll see below, however, at least some of these references don’t exclude all notions of the kephalē exercising some ruling function.” In the entire rest of the essay, however, he presents no evidence whatsoever that any of these five contain “notions of the kephalē exercising some ruling function.” Endnote 5 does state, “Grudem says that genarchēs ‘can mean “ruler of created beings”,’ citing Liddle-Scott in support.” Richard S. Cervin, “On the Significance of Kephalē (Head): A Study of the Abuse of One Greek Word,” Missing Voices (Minneapolis, Minn.: CBE, 2014), 15, writes, however, “This instance of γενάρχης cannot mean ‘ruler of created beings’ as Grudem suggests because this ‘sense invariably refers to a god … of Zeus in Callimachus Fragment 36 and in Babrius 142.3; of Kronos in Orphic Hymn 13.8; of God in the Corpus Hermeticum 13.21’.”
    Preston writes that “Fitzmyer … argues that kephalē typically means ‘leader, authority over’,” but Fitzmyer does not state this in the passage cited in endnote 11 or anywhere else as far as I know. Rather, what he states is much less modest, “kephalē … used in the sense of ‘source’ … does not occur in as many instances as kephalē in the sense of ‘ruler, leader’.” Fitzmyer can say even this only by inflating his data with doubtful examples, and listing only two of the approximately twenty instances of the “Zeus” saying I sent to Preston. If “kephalē typically means ‘leader, authority over’,” why is this meaning not included in any of the forty-nine figurative meanings for kephalē that LSJ and its supplements list?
    Preston states, “the two Pauline passages we’re ultimately concerned with (1 Cor 11:3 and Eph 5:23) use kephalē to describe a person’s relationship to another person; namely, man’s (or a husband’s) relationship to woman (or his wife). Preston’s use of the word “relationship” unfairly prejudges the question since “authority” always refers to a relationship with power imbalance whereas “source” regards origin, not a “relationship.” So by assuming that “1 Cor 11:3 and Eph 5:23 use kephalē to describe a person’s relationship to another person,” Preston has before even looking at the exegetical data, presupposed that “head” must “describe a person’s relationship to another person; namely, man’s (or a husband’s) relationship to woman (or his wife).” Although one can speak of “source relationships,” at least in normal English usage, “source” does not describe “a person’s relationship to another person.”
    In my books, I argue that 1 Cor 11:2–16 is not about authority relations at all. Its only reference to authority is the affirmation that “a woman ought to have authority over her head,” and in context, that conveys that “a woman leading worship in prayer or prophecy ought to control her head by doing her hair up modestly, since hair let down loose symbolized undisciplined sexuality. In 1 Cor 11:3, Paul frames his argument by reminding both men and women who lead church worship to respect their source. Since Christ is their source, men should respect Christ by not undermining Christ’s moral teachings. We know from contemporary literature that men wore effeminately-styled hair (11:14 “for a man to wear long hair is degrading to him”) in order to solicit homosexual hookups. This was especially prevalent in the Dionysiac revelries near Corinth. Similarly, Paul frames his argument by reminding women that man is their source. Consequently, women should respect men by not letting their hair down (11:15 “her hair is given to her as a covering”) while leading in worship. Women in the church should not imitate the practices of the Dionysiac Maenads who let their hair down when “prophesying” and engaging in orgies near Corinth.
    Preston concludes by asserting that two quotes from me are “unsubstantiated”: “I do find the claim that it was ‘foreign…for Greek to use kephalē as a metaphor for “leader”’ or that it ‘would probably never occur to Paul’s typical Greek readers that “head” (kephalē) might mean “leader” or “authority over”’ to be unsubstantiated by the historical evidence thus far.” But the only clear instances he cites of kephalē as a metaphor for “leader” are from the fourth century AD plus one other with evidence of later editing that Preston acknowledges. Virtually all dictionaries of secular Greek usage up to and around the time of Paul cite no examples of “head” (kephalē) in secular Greek literature meaning anything related to authority prior to the fourth century AD. Are they all wrong? The two most detailed dictionaries of ancient secular Greek identify the meaning “chief” to have emerged as an established meaning for “head” in the Byzantine era (LSJ) or the medieval era (Dhimitrakou). Are they both wrong? If “head” had been an established metaphor in Greek, the Septuagint translators of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek would have translated most of them kephalē just like most English Bible translate most of them “head.” For example, the NASB translates ראשׁ “head” when it means “leader” 116 times and the ASV does this 115 times, even though they translate all references to “head priest” “chief priest.” But of the 180, the best-attested LXX text translates only one of these 180 kephalē clearly as a metaphor meaning “leader.” In the few other cases when kephalē is used by LXX translators, they wrote eis kephalēn, which Greek readers probably understood “as head” which they could assume refers to someone “as top.” “As head/top” would not have been nearly as jarring to a Greek reader as a statement that someone became a head.

    Reply
    • Mark Randall James on

      After listening to Preston’s ambitious podcasts on this subject, I wanted to add to Payne’s point in #6: that the view that the brain ruled the body was a contested one. Besides the texts Payne cites, the Stoics (or at least the great Chrysippus) likewise argued that the hegemonikon (ruling faculty of the soul) resides in the heart, not the brain. The ruling faculty is “situated in the middle of the heart,” governing the whole like a spider at the center of its web (Chalcidius, Commentary on the Timaeus, 220 (= SVF 2.879)). Similarly, in one passage where Galen defends the view that the brain is the seat of the ruling faculty, he explicitly criticizes the Chrysippian alternative that it is the heart (On Hippocrates and Plato’s doctrines 2.2.9-11 = SVF 2.895). For the Stoics, the heart is a plausible candidate in part because speech emerges physiologically from the chest and moves outwards towards the mouth/head. The head is an instrument of sensation and language, but authority resides in the center, not the extremities. (And as Payne notes, Galen is writing a century AFTER Paul, and he is consciously correcting what he views as the errors of his predecessors.)

      To me this suggests that the more Paul develops the metaphor of “head” in overtly physiological terms–as he does in the later chapters of Ephesians–the less clear it should be that it connotes authority.

      Reply

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